Why Nations Fight
America is losing, without a struggle, the very thing that nations have always fought to protect.
The history of every nation is marked by war. No events in a nation’s past are memorialized as solemnly as its wars, for nations are built, smashed, enlarged or truncated through war. Virtually by definition, war is about the life and death of nations.
Single battles have changed the history of the world. If the Greeks had lost to the Persians at Marathon, Western Civilization might have been swept into the sea. If Charles Martel had not defeated the Moorish armies at Tours, Europe might have ceased to be Christian and European. If the battle of Gettysburg had gone to the Confederates, there might be two nations rather than one in what continued as the United States.
Even today, in all those parts of the world where large numbers of men are willing to fight, the birth of a nation is almost always at issue. The Sikhs fighting in the Punjab want to break away from India and create a nation of their own. The Tamils are fighting in Sri Lanka for the same reason. The Ethiopian provinces of Tigre and Eretria have been fighting for independence for decades. Jews and Palestinians are fighting over the same land.
In all these conflicts, past and present, the issue is who will occupy and control the land. At the very least, the victors consolidate or expand the area in which their culture, their religion, their language and their way of life are dominant. At most, they exterminate the defeated people. Always, the outcome of war determines who will occupy and control, which people will prevail.
Ironically, the most powerful nation in the world is now losing a war of occupation and control — and without fighting even a minor skirmish. Slowly, many parts of the United States are being occupied and controlled by aliens who are doing what conquerors always do: They are imposing their culture, language, and way of life.
This is most evident in the southwestern states and in southern Florida. Parts of these areas are now more or less as they would be if they had been invaded and conquered by a Latin American country. What would Mexico do if it conquered California? It would establish Spanish as the official language of school and government. It would expel much of the white population and replace it with Mexicans. It would abolish American holidays and replace them with Mexican ones. Music, food, education, work habits, and religion — all would become Mexican rather than American.
This is exactly what is happening in many parts of California. Everything American is being supplanted by everything Mexican. Ballot papers are printed in Spanish, people speak Spanish in school and watch Mexican television, towns celebrate Cinco de Mayo instead of the Fourth of July, and whites have been displaced by Mexicans. In many towns there are hardly any whites to be seen, and in a few years whites will be a minority in the entire state.
Southern Florida is being transformed in the same way by Central Americans. An “Anglo” tourist must punch half the buttons on his car radio before he finds a station that still broadcasts in English. In many supermarkets he will not find a single English-language offering at the magazine stand. And he will find Hispanics who are openly intent on remaking the United States in their own image. Maurice Ferre, former mayor of Miami has said, “Within ten years there will not be a word of English spoken — English is not Miami’s official language — one day residents will have to learn Spanish or leave.” In fact, the exodus began long ago.
This displacement of whites by Hispanics is due to an astonishing cultural and national capitulation by the government of the United States. It has let millions of Latin Americans enter the country legally and done little to stop further millions from entering illegally. It has spent billions of dollars to keep hundreds of thousands of soldiers in Europe to defend against a Soviet invasion, but claims to be unable to police its own southern border. Illegal immigrants scoff at our symbolic border patrols, and once they are in the United States, Mexicans and Guatemalans go about recreating Mexico and Guatemala.
In the past, Americans used to insist that newcomers learn English and become Americanized. No longer. Part of the great capitulation has been the fashionable view that insisting on Americanization is a kind of chauvinism. As Arnold Torres, Executive Director of the largest Hispanic organization in America, the League of United Latin American Communities, says, “We cannot assimilate and we won’t.” Newcomers are now welcome to occupy parts of what was once the United States and turn it into something else.
If Mexico were to launch a military invasion of the United States, there would be a war and Mexico would be crushed. However, there will never be a military invasion. Thanks to massive immigration and to American cultural, national and racial capitulation, Mexicans are enjoying the benefits of occupation and control without the bother of war. White Californians, their culture, and their way of life are being pushed aside.
As non-whites continue to pour into California — 450,000 more people are expected to have moved in by the end of 1990 — whites are leaving. After decades during which people moved to California from other states, the balance for whites has reversed. Most of those leaving California head for Oregon and Washington, which still have solid racial and cultural majorities. So many have escaped to the Pacific Northwest that locals have come up with a new bumper sticker: Don’t Californicate Oregon (or Washington). Recent polls show that for the first time in California’s history a majority of the population has considered leaving.
|Men fight because there is nothing more horrible than cultural and national obliteration.|
Invasion and conquest always produce refugees. No people is happy to see its homeland taken over by foreigners. If they can, displaced peoples move where they can live among their own kind again. What is happening in California and southern Florida is a large-scale repetition of the white flight to the suburbs that started when American cities began to look as though they had been conquered by Nigeria or Chad.
Though little is written about it any more, this stream of refugees continues. New Yorkers grimly acknowledge that their state is the 47th least likely destination for Americans who move. Sixty percent of the moving van traffic that crosses the state line is out-bound. White New Yorkers are fleeing the occupation and control of New York City by aliens.
How long will white Americans continue to be refugees in their own land? We brought Africans to this continent by force, and their descendants have an ancient claim on us, but Mexicans, Vietnamese, Filipinos, and Salvadorans have no claim on America at all. If we continue to let them crowd into our country, will there come a time when whites begin to escape back across the Atlantic?
A lost war may mean national obliteration. Men fight and die for their people and way of life because there is nothing more horrible than cultural and national obliteration. In the long term, obliteration is what the United States faces, but not through war. The United States is being conquered — street by street, block by block — as aliens extend their occupation and control. If this invasion is permitted to continue it will be the first time in history that a great people was defeated and dispossessed without firing a single shot to save itself.
How Will America Fight Next Time?
Several hundred thousand American troops are now stationed in Saudi Arabia. For the first time since Korea, there is talk of a war that no one can dismiss as a police action, of a real war with tanks, artillery, thousands of casualties, and perhaps even chemical or nuclear weapons. And though much is written — and rightly so — about the importance of oil, the ultimate casus belli is the obliteration of a nation.
If the United States really does go to war with Iraq, and throws into combat the full force of the world’s most powerful army, there can be no doubt that Iraq will be crushed and that American forces will be victorious. There will be much congratulation of our “superb” fighting men, who will be showered with medals and citations. If there is public criticism about how Americans performed under fire, it will be muted, page-seventeen stuff.
But how will Americans stand up in combat? Even the richest, best-armed, best-fed forces in the world are vulnerable to a host of internal enemies whose combined effects can sap morale. Throughout history, armies have confounded either their enemies or their commanders with unexpected behavior, but general conclusions can be drawn about what makes an army fight well.
It was widely acknowledged during both world wars that the German armies fought better than any other. One of the reasons for this was the way in which they were organized. German commanders understood that a man’s deepest loyalties are not to an abstraction, or even to a nation, but to a group. Men who fought alongside coworkers, school mates, and childhood friends fought with the cohesion and dedication of a creature with a single mind. To fight gallantly was to win the admiration of one’s dearest friends; to fail was to earn their contempt.
To the extent that it was not possible to group men by town or village, the German army organized them by national group. Saxons fought shoulder to shoulder with Saxons, as did Swabians and Prussians. The bonds that held these men together permitted neither surrender nor desertion. As much as possible, these fiercely loyal units were deployed together, and the camaraderie they had built up through combat was not diluted by steady replacement with new recruits.
The Italian army, by contrast, was organized on entirely different lines. Manfredo Fanti, a commander in the Crimean War and Minister of War under Camillo Cavour, saw the army as a means of forging a national Italian identity out of diverse, provincial peoples. He deliberately assigned men to mixed units and stationed them far from home. By the time of the Second World War, nearly one hundred years later, this policy was still a failure. Units were riven by cultural discord and regional rivalries, and soldiers felt little compulsion to fight and die for men they scarcely thought of as comrades. Desertion and surrender rates were scandalous.
Some of the troops that fought in German uniforms fought just as badly. The Volksdeutch units, made up of non-Germans who had joined the cause of National Socialism, likewise served in fragmented, multinational units that could not be counted on. Their poor battle record shows how little cohesive effect mere ideology has when compared to ties of blood and soil. Even Joseph Stalin understood this. When the Soviet Union was attacked by Germany, he tossed ideology overboard and urged his soldiers to fight, not for Marx and Engles, but in the name of Mother Russia.
The best army of Americans that ever took the field fought for the Confederacy. The second best was the army that defeated it. Both were organized on state and regional lines that kept alive local loyalties just as the German army did. Men reared together in North Carolina held their ground against such withering fire that their “tarred heel” defense gave the state its nick name. The black-hatted Yankees of such regiments as the 19th Indiana and the 7th Wisconsin fought alongside boyhood friends with such distinction that they were known as the Iron Brigade. Only as the war dragged on, and northern units began to fill up with immigrants, bounty men, and conscripts from mixed backgrounds did shirking and desertion become serious problems.
How is the American army organized today? Men are grouped, not according to state or locale, but by function, as in the 82nd Airborne or the 1st Cavalry. Units are a helter-skelter mix of race, region, and even language. Today’s army is more like the motley, unreliable legions of outlanders who lost the Roman empire than it is like the men who mounted — and defeated — Pickett’s charge.
This was one of the many reasons why the American army’s morale was so low in Vietnam, where insubordination and even murder, or “fragging,” of officers were common. Battalion-level loyalty was low, and despite the length of the war and the number of men committed to it, no unit ever won significant national distinction. What success the army enjoyed was the result of overwhelming firepower and material superiority.
It will be the same in Iraq if the issue is eventually settled by arms. Despite the speeches, decorations, and parades that would garnish a successful outcome, the dirty secret of the American army is likely to be that its men fought like Italians rather than Germans, that in anything like a fair fight they would have crumpled.