Watching America die- more Stuff Black People Don’t Like

But Where’s Blackwater (XE)? Japan 2011 vs. New Orleans 2005

Visiting the past few days has been difficult. The devastation in Japan from the 9.0 earthquake is horrific, a powerful reminder that the forces of nature can never be tamed by man.

Blackwater was needed after Katrina to make sure emergency workers would be safe

A 9.0 earthquake is the energy equivalent of 474 megatons of TNT explosive force (the earthquake in Haiti, a 7.0, was the equivalent of 474 kilotons of TNT). What was unleashed by this explosive force is captured vividly in this video.

Entire cities destroyed in a moment, battered by powerful waves that rendered once happy homes, busy markets and businesses a painful memory of a past nature swiftly uprooted.

100,000 troops will be deployed to help the stranded. There is no order to restore; the Japanese are resilient and though hundreds of thousands lack electricity, water, food and shelter, looting and rioting is non-existent.

Blackwater (now called XE) is not required to restore order to a nation that just endured a disaster ripped from the pages of a Toho Company script.

New Orleans in 2005 during the aftermath of Katrina was a completely different story. The racial aspects of the Japanese earthquake survivors and those in New Orleans are a stark reminder that though man can not tame nature, the worst impulses of man’s nature can be tamed. Or they can be indulged.

In Japan, family, community, honor and loyalty are ideals that hold that nation together, even as the waters recede into the ocean reveling a hellish terrain that once was home. The threat of a nuclear meltdown isn’t enough to conjure emotions that replicate the behavior of a much different community outside the Superdome in 2005.

In New Orleans during Katrina, a distinct portion of that community showcased for the world to see that nature has the ability to wash away man’s civil mask, revealing the fragile reality of disorder within our nation. It only takes the absence of order to render one segment of the American population into chaos.

It took Blackwater engaging the Black rioters of New Orleans to restore order in a city where only Shania Twain CDs remained at a looted and pillaged Wal-Mart store:

In an hour long conversation I had with four Blackwater men, they characterized their work in New Orleans as “securing neighborhoods” and “confronting criminals.” They all carried automatic assault weapons and had guns strapped to their legs. Their flak jackets were covered with pouches for extra ammunition.

Blackwater is not alone. As business leaders and government officials talk openly of changing the demographics of what was one of the most culturally vibrant of America’s cities, mercenaries from companies like DynCorp, Intercon, American Security Group, Blackhawk, Wackenhut and an Israeli company called Instinctive Shooting International (ISI) are fanning out to guard private businesses and homes, as well as government projects and institutions. Within two weeks of the hurricane, the number of private security companies registered in Louisiana jumped from 185 to 235. Some, like Blackwater, are under federal contract. Others have been hired by the wealthy elite, like F. Patrick Quinn III, who brought in private security to guard his $3 million private estate and his luxury hotels, which are under consideration for a lucrative federal contract to house FEMA workers.

A possibly deadly incident involving Quinn’s hired guns underscores the dangers of private forces policing American streets. On his second night in New Orleans, Quinn’s security chief, Michael Montgomery, who said he worked for an Alabama company called Bodyguard and Tactical Security (BATS), was with a heavily armed security detail en route to pick up one of Quinn’s associates and escort him through the chaotic city. Montgomery told me they came under fire from “black gangbangers” on an overpass near the poor Ninth Ward neighborhood. “At the time, I was on the phone with my business partner,” he recalls. “I dropped the phone and returned fire.”

Montgomery says he and his men were armed with AR-15s and Glocks and that they unleashed a barrage of bullets in the general direction of the alleged shooters on the overpass. “After that, all I heard was moaning and screaming, and the shooting stopped. That was it. Enough said.”

A 2010 flood in Nashville required no such intervention on the part of Blackwater (XE) to restore order.

Before emergency workers, food, water, and the US Army could get to New Orleans, Blackwater was sent in to restore order. They did their job.

They won’t be needed in Japan.

There’s not much else to say. Mother nature has the tendency to simultaneously bring out the best in man and the worst in man. Let Japan in 2011 vs. New Orleans in 2005 be a lesson for us all.

I’m not a geologist nor am I a seismologist. But I do know that an earthquake hit New Zealand two weeks ago and Japan on Friday. Both nations are part of the Pacific Ring of Fire. So is California.

If an earthquake of the magnitude of the one that hit Japan were to strike Los Angeles, what type of behavior would the inhabitants of the City of Angels exhibit? What we see now in Japan or what we saw in Katrina?

I imagine XE would be called in immediately.

Black Privilege Defined: Excusing away Gang-Rape in Texas

You can’t judge by character either in Black Run America

Steve Sailer trenchantly analyzed The New York Times reportage of the gang rape of an 11-year-old Hispanic girl by 18 Black men ranging in ages from 16 to 28.:

As commenters have pointed out, the NYT’s sympathetic coverage of the Cleveland 18 is reminiscent of its sympathetic coverage of the Jena 6, the high school football stars with long records of violent behavior, who stomped an unconscious high school student. In contrast, the NYT’s intensive coverage of the Duke Lacrosse 25 who were falsely accused of rape, was unsympathetic in the extreme.

In other words, this is another Jena 6 story — a bunch of young black guys in a southern small town do something bad to somebody nonblack and then the national press turns it into a story about how these young fellows are, when you stop to think about it, the real victims.

Black privilege in BRA allows Black people to openly claim racial loyalty while simultaneously denying the same to whites. Black privilege allows Blacks to take pride in one Black person’s achievement and then spread that achievement over all Black people as fellow racial kinsmen.

When one Black person does acts horrifically — as, in the case, 18 different Black men gang raping an 11-year-old — laying claim to Black privilege means that the act reflects poorly only upon one person. Black privilege can also extend to the absolution of a Black individual for a dastardly act when that act can be justified as being a reaction against institutional racism, the white power structure, or inherent white privilege.

The gang rape of an 11-year-old Hispanic girl by 18 Black men can be excused, rationalized, can be glossed over endlessly thanks to exercise of Black privilege.

On the other hand, white privilege means that a white person doing something good is merely a reflection of individual achievement; but when a gang of whites does something reprehensible, it is a reflection of the entire white race and its obvious moral shortcomings. Do you need proof? Recall, then, the Duke Lacrosse rape hoax for just one example.

That interracial rape is overwhelmingly Black-on-white (and increasingly Black-on-Hispanic) and the ramifications of such data is never discussed, but the rare instances of white-on-Black rape becomes international fodder for the sexual depravity of white males everywhere.

The Black individual who achieves academic success and becomes a doctor, lawyer, dentist, inventor, scientist, etc.,  is proof that all Black people have the innate ability to be the next George Washington Carver or Super Soaker inventor, despite the increasing evidence that this isn’t the case.

This is the idea behind Black privilege, and it is the dogma of Disingenuous White Liberals, Crusading White Pedagogues, and Holier-Than-Than White Conservatives, not to be diverged from, doubted, or disputed. The greatest Black privilege of all is that an entire race is excused of any responsibility for high levels of rape, murder, indeed, any of the crimes commonly committed by Blacks that make many cities uninhabitable.

Black crime is excused away because of injustices committed by whites 10, 20, 40, 80, 160, 320 years ago against Black people, injustices which irremediably stain all whites living today. Or as Larry Auster wrote:

Ahh, but you’re forgetting Rep. Al Green’s point to Washington Times reporter Kerry Picket yesterday. The KKK doesn’t have to be committing terrorist crimes now, or even during our lifetimes, to warrant being investigated along with Muslim extremists. According to Green, KKK crimes committed in the distant past should have been the subject matter of the King hearings. Further, according to Green’s repeated insinuations, if Picket disagrees with that notion, then she is a defender of the KKK.

Every week another Black-on-white killing transpires in America, yet the media, government, and academia highlight only those by whites-on-Black (even if such terror attacks must be manufactured). FBI stats show that no attacks by so-called white hate groups have occurred within the last two years; in that same time a Black freedom fighter killed eight evil white bigots in Connecticut in an act for which the Media had great sympathy in their reports.

Black privilege in Black Run America (BRA) means that Black people find nothing at all wrong with excusing away the deplorable actions of 18 Black men who raped an 11-year-old girl.

And white privilege is that those actions are your fault.

The Fab Five and the Ghetto, Hip-Hop Black culture of Basketball: Short-term success, Long-term rejection

The Fab Five: The Trojan Horse for Hip Hop that fans ultimately rejected

ESPN must be commended for the excellent 30 for 30 series that they have aired for the past two years. The U is an outstanding documentary about the criminals, felons, and thugs who played on the University of Miami football team in the 1980s and helped establish the culture of black players flamboyantly celebrating every single successful play. Others to be applauded are Crossover: The Trial of Allen Iverson, a film that documents the overly-tattooed, controversial basketball star’s inglorious high school arrest for a bowling alley brawl with white people, and The Best that Never Was, which highlights the 1980s Mississippi high school phenomenon Marcus Dupree, who ushered in the modern era of recruiting with every college football program in the nation desiring him and going to great lengths to ultimately boast his placement on their roster.

All of these, and more, represent excellent examples of the blueprint for the creation of Black Run America (BRA).

You can even watch The Legend of Jimmy the Greek, a documentary on the infamous sportscaster who dared admit publicly what everyone knows privately: that genetic differences between white and Black people play a major role in why Black people dominate positions in sports that require excellent sprinting and jumping abilities, such as running back and cornerback in football and all five positions in basketball.

This Sunday’s newest addition to the 30 for 30 family, The Fab Five, is most surprising because it documents — indeed, celebrates — the moment in basketball history when Hip-hop, ghetto culture, and Black-style all became fused with the game and has come to dominate the sport’s culture since. Simultaneously, this moment marked the repudiation of the white-style of play with its emphasis on the team accomplishments rather than the efforts of a single star.

The Fab Five represented the harbingers of change in basketball when they stepped onto the court for the first time at the University of Michigan. Retiring short shorts for baggy pants and playing with a street ball style, Jalen Rose, Chris Weber, Juwan Howard, Jimmy King, Ray Jackson represented the merger of basketball with the burgeoning Black identity in Hip-hop.

In the most watched college basketball final of all time, the Fab Five lined up against the Duke Blue Devils to compete for the 1992 championship. Duke represented then — and still represents today — the old style game of basketball typified by screens, pick’n’rolls, tough defense and team offense; Duke’s game was and is, basically, the white style of play.

Of this Duke team, one of the Fab Five’s members had this to say:

If you grew up in the ’90′s you’re probably familiar with college basketball’s Fab Five, Michigan’s 1991 recruiting class which included Jalen Rose, Jimmy King, Ray Jackson, Chris Webber and Juwan Howard. Rose, King and Jackson appeared on ESPN’s “First Take” Tuesday to discuss their “30 for 30” documentary on the Fab Five that will air on Sunday.

About midway through the “First Take” segment, they played a clip from the documentary in which Rose says:

“For me, Duke was personal. I hated Duke. And I hated everything I felt Duke stood for. Schools like Duke didn’t recruit players like me. I felt like they only recruited black players that were Uncle Toms.”

Asked about the comment, Rose elaborated:
“Well, certain schools recruit a typical kind of player whether the world admits it or not. And Duke is one of those schools. They recruit black players from polished families, accomplished families. And that’s fine. That’s okay. But when you’re an inner-city kid playing in a public school league, you know that certain schools aren’t going to recruit you. That’s one. And I’m okay with it. That’s how I felt as an 18-year-old kid.”
College basketball in the early 1990s was already dominated by Black players, but the merger of hip-hop and the overt Black-style of play had not been embraced fully by the NCAA, the universities, or even the Black players. It was the Fab Five that destroyed this barrier once and for all, and it was the Hip-hop lifestyle personified by these athletes that was eagerly embraced by consumers nationwide:

The Fab Five didn’t just win, of course. They styled. They sported those now-ubiquitous baggy shorts and black socks, and they brought Michael Jordan’s bald look to the college game. They ran the floor with playground joy and swagger, slapping hands and bumping chests and talking. Always talking. “Michigan was one of the first anti-establishment programs in college,” says McCormick, who counted himself a fan. “It gave them a freshness.”

It gave them rock-star charisma. “We were almost compared to somebody like the Beatles,” says Howard, now with the NBA’s Denver Nuggets. “We used to go on the road, and there’d be fans lined up outside our hotel wanting our autographs. There’d be people on the campus selling T-shirts with our names on them, with our faces on them.”
The Fab Five made the Michigan brand red-hot, and the school cashed in. Annual athletic royalties more than tripled, from $2 million in the pre-Fab year of 1990-91 to a peak of $6.2 million in ’93-94. That windfall, according to then-athletic director Jack Weidenbach, helped the school accelerate upgrades in the women’s athletic program, from coaches’ salaries to facilities to travel.

“Kids could relate to the Fab Five and wanted to emulate them. Wearing Michigan merchandise became a way that you could transform yourself into being as ‘cool’ as the Fab Five,” says Derek Eiler of the Atlanta-based Collegiate Licensing Co.
The Fab Five brought short-term financial success, but ultimately the transformation of basketball into a hybrid Hip-hop, overtly Black game had devastating long-term monetary effects on the National Basketball Association (NBA). In essence, the overt Blackness of the game turned off white fans.

The college game didn’t completely thug-out because of those pesky academic requirements that mandate student-athletes actually go to class (the reason for the Duke-Butler 2010 championship game). Major institutions must maintain an air of academic legitimacy, and this is even true with regard to the athletes that represent the school. But perusing the graduation rates of Black players participating in the NCAA Tournament reveals that the alarming rates at which they fail to graduate when compared to their white counterparts.

Less alarming is the paucity of white players on these NCAA Tournament teams.

Many Black players do stay for one year at your Kentucky, Kansas, Kansas State or other big-time program as rented talent, but the best players normally bypass college and go pro straight out of high school.
It is the ghost of the Fab Five and the ghouls they let of the ghetto-box that threatens to doom the NBA:
League and club executives decided to marry the NBA to hip-hop, and clearly didn’t know what they were getting into. As my friend Brian Burwell wrote in Tuesday’s St. Louis Post-Dispatch, NBA marketing people “thought they were getting Will Smith and LL Cool J. But now they’ve discovered the dark side of hip-hop has also infiltrated their game, with its ‘bling-bling’ ostentation, its unrepentant I-gotta-get-paid ruthlessness, its unregulated culture of posses, and the constant underlying threat of violence .

The Fab Five created an environment where teams with majority white players are castigated by fans and media alike for a perceived lack of athleticism. Recall the words of sportswriter Bob Ryan who 2004 stated Vanderbilt was too white to win in the NCAA Tournament:

The team too white to win was too good to lose.
Basketball remains a beautiful sport.

Stereotypes have no place here. The truth is always on the scoreboard. It showed a 71-58 Vanderbilt victory this day. So it’s official: Color has no bearing on a basketball game.
Bob Ryan tried to test this certainty. The Boston Globe columnist said on a radio show this week that Vandy was “too white” to win its NCAA Tournament game against Western Michigan.

Don’t be too harsh to Ryan. The foolish have a strong following. Such thought dominates this game. In no other sport do people try to correlate ability and skin tone as much as they do in hoops. It’s the saddest fact in a game enlivened by its diversity.

“It really disappoints me,” said C.M. Newton, a Hall of Famer for his basketball contributions, which included detonating several racial barriers throughout college basketball. “I would think we’re way past that. Obviously, we’re not.”

Newton was disturbed that Ryan, a respected basketball writer, would make such an assertion. If someone so experienced and revered could think this way, then anyone could. It’s disrespectful to a man like Newton, who spent most of his career changing the game.

It’s amazing that, after all the melting, a new divide is starting to freeze.
Blacks in. Whites out.

Basketball is a game of athleticism and movement. Apparently, only one race can supply that. Spread a few white players across the roster for shooting. This is how twisted we think.

What’s too white, anyway? The Commodores started three black players. Is two white starters too white? Is one too white? Is a single mixed player too white?
When a basketball player like Jimmer Fredette of Brigham Young University comes along, average basketball fans have been conditioned like Pavlov’s dog to proclaim “he’s pretty good — for a white guy,” The perception being that basketball is a sport wedded to the image of a tall Black guy covered in tattoos, hair in corn-rows and selfishly playing the game instead of selflessly playing the game.

Those selfish Black players in the NBA are crippling a league that once entertained visions of expansion into Europe, but now faces potential losses of $350 million this year and required an emergency $200 million to distribute among cash-strapped teams in 2009:

Commissioner David Stern says the N.B.A. is on course to lose $350 million this season. He says there’s a need to cut leaguewide salaries by as much as $800 million, hints at contraction, and acknowledges the ever-looming presence of the elephant in the room; there’s a good chance that there will be a lockout in the summer.
We’re about to enter one of the most exciting periods in the sport’s history, and yet we might lose it before it even begins.
The possibility of contraction in a league that leveraged its future on the short-term profitability and marketability of the ghetto Black-style of basketball – which white fans have rejected and no longer pay to watch – should be on the minds of those who view The Fab Five 30 for 30 special.

White fans embrace the NCAA for the off-beat chance a championship game such as the epic 2010 clash between Butler and Duke can materialize:
Five white players could be on the court at tipoff. That’s the most since 1998, when six white players started in the Utah-Kentucky final.

Gordon Hayward and Matt Howard – two of Butler’s top players – are white. So are five of Duke’s top seven players.

Even though the race issue isn’t discussed in polite company, it’s been the subject of hushed conversations at the Final Four and will be obvious to anyone in attendance or tuning in at home. The subject is so taboo that even Larry Bird bristles when it’s brought up.
Perhaps it is fitting that the legacy of the Fab Five has been virtually erased in the history books, thanks to rampant rule violations:

The banners from the 1992 and 1993 Final Fours no longer hang at Michigan’s Crisler Arena. A federal investigation said that Chris Webber took $280,000 from Ed Martin, a local bookmaker and booster who pleaded guilty to conspiracy as a result of the inquiry. (Martin’s son, Carlton, said this week in a phone interview that the amount “could have been $100,000 to $200,000 higher.” Webber has said that he took far less, and repaid the money.)

Nearly two decades after their high point, the Fab Five’s legacy has gone from black socks to black marks, their swagger replaced by the shame of bequeathing the Michigan basketball program a generation of chaos.
The true legacy of the Fab Five is the demons they unleashed upon the game, demons which haunt NBA accountants on a daily basis. Sure, it was cool, rebellious, and edgy back in the 1990s for white kids to emulate the Fab Five they saw prancing around the television; but those same white fans, now having grown up, are rejecting the subsequent ghetto-ization of the NBA. Young, Black, Rich & Famous by Todd Boyd documents with gloating terms the rise of hip-hop in the NBA. Boyd fails to address, though, the financial devastation of the merger.

So check out the ESPN 30 for 30 documentary The Fab Five and understand that what you are viewing is men who ushered in the era of hip-hop, ghetto basketball culture that ultimately drove white fans away from the NBA and precipitated the slow financial slide of the game into oblivion.
So what is the important lesson we should glean from this? It is that Black people see nothing wrong with their behavior; it is that Black people love being Black no matter the effects such behavior has on how people perceive them.Outside of professional and college football, popular culture is is rejecting the ghetto aesthetic.

It should be noted that ESPN pays the NBA roughly $930 million a year for broadcast rights, while CBS and TBS paid $10.8 billion for the rights to March Madness over a 14-year period. The NBA season is 82 games, while March Madness transpires over a three-period in late March- early April.

#651. The “Restroom for Customers Only” sign

An obvious indicator that you are in an undesirable neighborhood is the scarcity of legitimate businesses and ubiquity of liquor stores, pawn shops, payday loan stores, and venues that mandate paying customers only can use the lavatory.

We know who this is aimed at keeping away

One of the worst feelings for a person lost is the required asking for the proper directions at the gas station to your destination, only to be greeted by an employee safely behind a bullet-proof, plexi-glass window with a tiny slit at the bottom where money can be exchanged for goods.

It is in gasoline stations such as this that the frequency of “restroom for customers only” is more than likely found. In a bid to ward off loiters – “no loitering” signs don’t always work – businesses are forced to undertake desperate measures.

If you find yourself in a situation as the one described above, please vacate the gas station immediately for your own safety. The probability that crime is a constant customer at this establishment is high and your life is more valuable than trying to decipher the directions some clerk at a gas station is giving you.

Gas stations, department stores, and restaurants that publically stipulate the “restroom for paying customers only” clause have passed into the unfortunate realm described in melancholy detail by Robert Putnam in his study on diversity. High levels of repeat theft have caused a disconnect between the business owner and consumer in this situation, requiring a careful vetting of those who are likely to pay for a good or service and those who are determined to perpetuate stereotypes.

Marginal Revolution attempts to describe this problem:

Ilan, a loyal MR reader, asks when a restaurant decides to make its bathrooms “customer only.”  I see a few factors:

1. Fear of drug use or illegal drug dealings in the bathroom; the importance of this factor seems to have declined over time.

2. The belief that some people will buy a drink just for bathroom rights.  We did this in Brooklyn on Saturday and it was worth it.

3. The desire that only paying customers shape the ambience of a restaurant; this is important in areas with gangs.

On the other side of the equation is fear of Jack Henry Abbott, the realization that any restriction is not fully enforceable, the desire to cultivate good will among potential customers, and giving the visitors a chance to look at the food and atmosphere.

Overall I’ve found that restaurant restrooms are more available to non-customers than ever before and I attribute this to the aging of America and the greater likelihood of a sharply declining marginal cost curve.  In other words, at least until this year raw materials expenses weren’t so important so the profit value of an extra customer was pretty high and restaurants would do a lot to cultivate good will.  In general rising commodity prices mean decreasing margins (retail prices don’t rise by full offset) and thus adjustment on other margins, such as portion size and service quality.  The bathroom isn’t as clean as it used to be either.

A business owner mandating that only customers may relieve themselves in THEIR bathroom is obviously paying the so-called the-word-that-shall-not-be-named tax. Having been the victim of thievery by those who use their lavatory and quickly depart with stolen goods, business owners are forced to deprive good people who honestly just have to pee of that right.

Gas stations throughout the nation once operated in a manner that allowed consumers to fill up their tanks before they paid. The proprietor of the gas station showing explicit trust in their consumers, which has subsequently been replaced with the notion of pre-paying for gas in a desperate move to stop those drivers who pump-and-run (who else pumps and runs? Hmmm…) Preying on the confidence bestowed by the owner on an unproven customer is a joy of diversity, pushing operating costs up and profit margins down.

If a business has been financially aggrieved by individuals, then precautionary measures will be enacted to off-set future losses. That the freedom of a good natured customer is suspended — one who may have even paid before at that same establishment – because of reprobates abusing the trust of business owners is a sign of tyranny upon the innocent.

The freedom to use the facilities of businesses without payment was once a question never even broached by those in need of relief. Loiterers, criminals, and villains who prey on the indulgences of business owners blissfully unaware of the-word-that-shall-not-be-named tax have created the notion of tyranny upon the innocent.

Such is the reality of “restroom for customers only” signs, an obvious indicator that the nigger tax is being paid where you stand. The costs of diversity are great; the tyranny upon the innocent it births greater.

Stuff Black People Don’t Like includes “restroom for customers only” signs because they are a clear indicator that Black criminality has transpired in that same business before and that the owner is taking precautionary measures to deter repeat offenses from transpiring.

The-word-that-shall-not-be-named tax (let’s call it the diversity tax) cannot be quantified, but can be qualified in a discussion on the following:




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