3 women, kids in tow, arrested for shoplifting spree

3 women, kids in tow, arrested for Boynton mall shoplifting spree

shoplifting spree

Tenika Rivers, 23, of Lake Park.

Tenika Rivers, 23, of Lake Park.

Stephanie Corbett, 23, of Palm Springs.

Stephanie Corbett, 23, of Palm Springs.

Marjorie Casseus, 20, of Lake Park.

Marjorie Casseus, 20, of Lake Park.

By Eliot Kleinberg and Sonja Isger
Palm Beach Post Staff Writer

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— Police say three women caught shoplifting at the Boynton Beach Mall Wednesday only added to their problems when one punched a pregnant security guard in the face and officers found drugs on another.

And after one of the women called her aunt to take her three small children – one an infant – the aunt was busted on an outstanding Treasure Coast warrant for grand theft. And was found with prescription drugs.

Tenika Rivers, 24, of Lake Park, was charged with strong arm robbery and battery on a pregnant woman.

Rivers’ sister, Marjorie Chintrell Casseus, 20, also of Lake Park, was charged with theft between $300 and $5,000, resisting security and possession of up to 20 grams of marijuana.

Friend Stephanie Danielle Corbett, also 23, of Palm Springs, was charged with theft between $300 and $5,000.

And Corbett’s aunt, Denise Caster, 38, of Greenacres, was charged with possession of a controlled substance.

According to a Boynton Beach Police report, about 5 p.m. Wednesday, at the mall, at 801 N. Congress Ave., a Macy’s security guard, watched the three women enter fitting rooms with merchandise and leave without it.

The guard said she watched on closed-circuit television as Casseus shoved a shirt into her purse.

The guard caught up to Rivers, who began to struggle with her and then slugged the guard, “who is very visibly 36 weeks pregnant,” in the right eye, the report said.

The guard said Rivers finally gave up. Inside her stroller, the guard found nine items valued at $356.58, the report said.

The $30 shirt Casseus had stuffed in her purse was not recovered, but the purse did produce a bag of marijuana, leading to drug charges against her.

Caster arrived to take custody of Corbett’s three children, ages 6, 5, and five weeks.

But she was arrested herself after a computer check revealed she had a St. Lucie County arrest warrant, reports show.

Caster also turned out to have 7-1/2 Phentermine diet pills but not a prescription for them.

Another man came and took the children, the report said.

“I didn’t have anything. My friend had the stuff and they took me to jail just to be nasty,” Corbett said this morning. “I stopped my friend from jumping on the loss prevention lady.”

She also said her aunt did not know about the St. Lucie County warrant.

The other three defendants couldn’t be reached.

Corbett left jail around 7 a.m. today after posting $3,000 bail, records show.

Caster posted $3,000 bond on the Palm Beach County charges and did not appear in court but remained in jail on the St. Lucie County hold, a jail clerk said.

In court this morning, Palm Beach County Circuit Judge Ted S. Booras ordered Rivers held in lieu of $6,000 bail.

And he ordered Casseus held in lieu of $3,000 bail, with an option of leaving jail on supervised release.

Assistant State Attorney Mary Ann Duggan said Rivers had no previous arrests.

She said Casseus was arrested as a juvenile in 2002 on charges of battery on a law enforcement officer and battery on a school district employee.

The judge also ordered the co-defendants have no contact with each other but had to withdraw that when he learned Rivers and Casseus are sisters.

AQUILON AND THE NEW EUROPEAN NATIONALISM

AQUILON AND THE NEW EUROPEAN NATIONALISM

AQUILON AND THE NEW EUROPEAN NATIONALISM

by Kai Murros

1. Ever since I can remember I have been a passionate nationalist; unfortunately in my younger days I was simply a petty Finnish chauvinist without any greater aspirations or understanding. I was re-living the past, I was stuck in the memory of the 20’s, 30’s and 40’s, the time when the militaristic and often quite reactionary Finnish nationalism reached its high point.

A great deal of my militant chauvisnism can be seen as a reaction against the so called “Finnlandisierung” which meant that especially in the 70’s and early 80’s nationalism in Finland was a taboo. Finnish media and cultural life was controlled by leftists who imposed a guilt-complex on the Finnish people; the elite taught Finns to hate themselves because of what happened in WWII. So in retrospect I understand that I had to be what I was back then but I also had to evolve as well.

Eventually I grew out of reactionary chauvinism. One of the decisive moments in my life was in 1981 when the news about the Brixton race riots reached Finland. I suddenly realized that my kinfolk were under attack, that a hideous primitive enemy was threatening people who are of the same race and the same blood as Finns. Soon after this I became aware of the worsening ethnic situation in Germany, that the number of the Turks was constantly growing – and nothing was done about it.

These events got me to realize that if I get stuck in the narrow world of petty Finnish chauvinism I keep myself apart from my European family. It is clear that if I value the poetry of Shakespeare, the music of Bach, Händel Mozart, the art of Rodin etc. I have to be a pan-European Nationalist. Provincial nationalism is a dead end; it is emotional isolationism. It creates artificial division which is why it is a crime against the unity of our race.

Despite my pan-European awakening I still had much to learn. My greatest weakness was that in economic questions I was very much a neo-liberal. In the 80’s I was an eager supporter of Margaret Thatcher. I saw the world primarily as the world of economics and I believed that the laws of economics – as they were explained to us – were just as objective as the laws of nature.

However the massive economic depression in Finland between 1991 and 1995 forced me to change my views on economics. I came to realize that Economics is not a physical science, the laws of Economics are man-made laws. They are not objective, immanent or something you cannot revise. I had matured enough to understand that the activities of the human race cannot be explained by one theory or paradigm alone – least of all by Economics.

Since the mid 90’s it had become absolutely clear to me that a true nationalist must always be a socialist of some sort. One cannot be a nationalist and a liberal. Nationalism is a collective ideology and liberalism an individualistic ideology – they cannot be combined.

The fall of the Soviet Union also gave me an opportunity to explore socialism with fresh eyes – Soviet communism was no longer a threat to our country and the dogmatic Finnish communist movement had disintegrated. Finally it was possible to be a socialist without appearing like a traitor and finally it was also possible to explore socialism from a fresh point of view without having fanatic know-it-all communists around you threatening you and telling you what the correct party line is.

Since the mid 90’s my aim has been to create a synthesis between metaphysical nationalism and socialism based on materialistic philosophy – in other words I wanted to explain the pan-European national revolution by using historical materialism.

My socialist theory is very much influenced by Maoism because for the Chinese, Maoism is in fact a nationalistic ideology. In his writings Mao always mentioned patriotism in a positive light and considered socialist revolution and national revolution to be fundamentally the same thing. According to Mao without socialist revolution there can be no national liberation. Maoism is not plagued by “leftism”, the perversion of socialist theory which preaches the self-hatred and guilt complex of the European people. There are no leftist “intellectuals” in China telling the Chinese people that the world would be a better place without them.

2. As I was writing Aquilon my aim was to create a virtual nationalist leader who would be the projection our hopes and dreams, someone we are subconsciously waiting for – a nationalist Messiah, a Muhammed for the Europeans who gives us a new creed of national liberation, unites the quarrelsome European tribes and finally leads them into endless outward
expansion.

Aquilon is the embodiment of our rage, hatred and disappointment, Aquilon is the embodiment of our subsconscious, our inner beast. Aquilon is FUROR EUROPAEICUS yet at the same time Aquilon has a very cold, cynical and calculating side. Aquilon can be totally unscrupulous and will stop at nothing to get his way – you could argue that Aquilon is amoral but in my opinion Aquilon simply belives in his cause and for Aquilon the end always justifies the means.

I didn’t want Aquilon to be an idealized and clean character. It is very important to note that there is constantly a conflict within Aquilon – he is at the same time both cynical and idealistic, high-minded and brutal, honest and deceptive. Psychologically this makes him much more interesting than if he was simply “good”. Secondly this reminds us of the nature of our coming revolution: Our cause is noble and our demands are just but the revolutionary process itself will be bloody and dirty business. We just had better get used to the idea that WE WILL HAVE TO use every dirty trick we can and that eventually we will leave a trail of blood behind us.

Aquilon is the metaphysical/psychological side of my nationalist creed while the book “Revolution and how to do it in a Modern Society” is the more materialistic/rational side of the same thing. But still you can find hints of materialistic philosophy in Aquilon’s speeches as well. Even the greatest passion needs a materialistic and rational base.

3. Since Finland is situated in the northernmost corner of our continent, it means that politically we are very much on the periphery. In history Finns have never been spearheads in any political change, Finns only have followed with the great changes that have originated in the centre of Europe and have adapted to them – often with great skill, though.

Even today we can see that as nationalism is rising all over Europe the nationalist movement in Finland is very weak and undoubtedly will remain so also in the foreseeable future. Mostly this is due to the fact that immigration to Finland has been remarkably low and most immigrants in Finland are still white Europeans – most often Estonians and Russians.

Firstly I would say that the Finnish nationalist movement has very little to offer the great nationalist movements in the centre of our continent. However due to the fact that our nation is very small Finnish nationalists should always emphasize the PAN-European aspects in their work because the resurrection of reactionary petty chauvinism is a constant threat to European nationalism.

Finnish nationalists could also show some example in putting the past behind, forgetting the conflicts of the past, looking forward and finding allies in former enemies. Russo-Finnish relationships in general are commendable nowadays but still I would like to see Finnish and Russian nationalists together as brothers-in-arms fighting a common enemy.

4. I am very excited about the NPD (National Democratic Party of Germany) and its future prospects. I have been following the NPD’s web site for some time now and I believe that the NPD can make the much needed change in Germany. Actually a couple of years ago I tried to contact the NPD several times. I sent my writings and copies of my book to different addresses in Germany and I also sent e-mails but unfortunately I couldn’t contact anyone.

The NPD is both traditional and modern – it very successfully combines traditional German nationalism with a modern pan-European nationalism. The NPD looks forward and is ready to deal with the challenges the European civilization will face in the future. The NPD is at the same time both German and Pan-European and there lies its strength, because a modern nationalist must understand that we are in this mess together and only together we shall survive. The age of mini-nationalism is definitely over.

What I am particularly happy about is that despite its successes and constant growth the NPD hasn’t lost its radical character. The NPD will not suffer from the sclerosis of the fat impotent main stream parties. The NPD is radical both in nationalist/ethnic issues as well as in social and economic issues which is the winning combination, because we have to prove to the people that it’s only the nationalist movement which takes their everyday needs and worries seriously and is both willing and able to deal with them. The mainstream parties are only interested in serving the interests of global capitalism and the needs of the immigrant masses so there is a great demand for a party like the NPD.

5. Most of all I am interested in the art of propaganda. I find it so much more exciting and inspiring than debating over ideology and political theory. In my opinion political propaganda comes first and ideological contemplation only second. Masses respond to propaganda and not to stuffy dusty books written by boring intellectuals. Good political art captures and condenses a thousand tedious theoretical books into one poster, one picture, one sentence, one phrase, one cry. Political art transforms intellectual speculation into a physical object, a weapon in a struggle about life and death.

For me, the European Revolution is an aesthetic project. Political art tells us what we want: How we want our life to look like one day, how we want the world to look like one day. Revolutionary struggle is simply a process which will transform this vision into a reality. Ideology and theory only facilitate our struggle: they explain to us HOW and WHY we will create the world of our dreams. We don’t read great works of philosophy to find out if our race has a right to exist: we make the dusty philosophy serve our cause. Philosophy is our slave, the slave of national survival. Books are dead, we are alive, ideas don’t mean anything without people and we are the people.

Art is the stuff the future is made of, art moves people in mysterious ways, art is the soul of our race. Art gives the first wakeup call that things are about to change. This is why if we wish to seize the future we must seize art and the aesthetics.  More than anything else I would like to be involved in making political art/propaganda. Just like the masses respond to visions rather than to theories. For me passion always comes first – I follow my instincts and emotions and if I have time I may spend a few moments intellectualizing it.

6. Well, first of all I would say that half the job will be done for us by our enemies. As long as the liberal elite is running the show things will only go from bad to worse. The liberals are totally unable to change their basic paradigm and therefore they will keep wrecking our civilization and coincidentally also undermining their own position. Year after year there will be more and more desperate, poor masses trying to get into Europe to get their share of the pie and liberals will still be dreaming that integration is possible if only we are willing to be submissive and apologetic – if only we are willing to die out.

But the explosion of FUROR EUROPAEICUS is just around the corner because despite what the liberal elite wants to believe no nation, tribe or community has ever accepted to die without a fight. The fact that we are kind and polite and that we get angry only very slowly doesn’t mean that we are suicidal. So far we have been turning our cheek over and over but it doesn’t mean that things are going to remain this way forever.

So we have to be there when it finally happens – the Great Paradigm Shift – the one the liberals didn’t see coming. I believe that starting in the next decade we will experience something that will very much resemble the 60’s but politically and culturally it will be its complete antithesis. Suddenly there will strong creative vibes in the air, new music, new fashion, new poetry will energize the young native Europeans. Sterile dullness will be broken and suddenly people will once again be full of hope, enthusiasm and determination.

The European Revolutionary movement will be a cultural movement – otherwise it cannot survive – it will be an aesthetic movement so that it can leave its mark on the world. The first wave of the European Revolutionary movement will be the artists, poets, designers, musicians, actors, script writers – they are the first to explain to us what the coming age is all about. The next wave will then be the wave of the masses, organized political activity and armed struggle.

In order to win we need people who work in the fashion industry or in the entertainment business, we need people who understand advertising and marketing – people who can broadcast our message to the masses by using modern means, a language that people can understand.

Our cause is noble but our means must be practical and effective. We have to transform progressive pan-European nationalism into a brand and sell it to the masses, we must customize it to suit the needs of different segments of potential supporters. Propagating nationalism is basically no different than selling Coca Cola – propaganda is about selling ideas. When good marketing and the needs of the masses coincide, the result may well be a massive breakthrough.

The New European Nationalism will be sexy, sassy, outrageous and glamorous. It will be the most alluring form of rebellion and our young people will love it. The New European Nationalism will be violent, brutal, fanatic and macabre and our young people will love it even more! When fat, impotent liberalism has reached its final stage of paralysis and soiled its own bed the only way to challenge this moral corruption is through discipline and organization. In this world of filth it will be an intoxicating power trip for young people to experience the Esprit de Corps of the nationalist storm troops.

The worst mistake we could make is to endlessly re-live the past, use outdated aesthetics and images and try to revive nostalgia as an answer to modern problems. The European civilization and the entire planet is about to face unprecedented challenges and dangers in the coming decades and if the nationalist movement in this situation gives the impression of being an anachronism we will lose all our chances for success.

Of course even the best marketing cannot create revolution out of nothing, I simply mean that clever and intellectually agile marketing captures and expresses the “Zeitgeist” before the politicians and sociologists realize what is going on. The next global megatrend will be in our favour but still we must be open-minded enough to learn how to surf on this wave.

7. My texts are available online on my website:
http://www.kolumbus.fi/aquilon/intindex.htm

The Near Future of America, the point of no return?

The Near Future of America, the way I see it.

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Anyone with a brain can see that the nation is heading down a dark and dangerous path, our president is consolidating more power then any previous president, he has promised trillions of dollars in more spending, and has already spent more money then ALL previous president in the history of the United States.  The government is growing at break neck speed, and promises of increased social spending has put unpaid liabilities and current foreseeable debt at 100,000,000,000,000 plus dollars, with the Universal healthcare bill, the nation is at a point of NO return.
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Taxes have to go up hurting the consumer spending even further, with the economy is already on its knees, with housing taking a break and more foreclosures on the way next year, consumer spending at all time lows, and saving rates increasing among most Americans, we can be assured that the economy is not coming back next year, not in 5 years, probably not until the 2020’s.  Socialism and communism are on the march in the minority communities across this nation, national ethnic pride among Latinos is at an all time high and continuing to increase in size and political power in the southwest, ensuring the growth of secessionist movements among Latinos.  Blacks have gone to great lengths to enforce their anti-white agenda within the democrat party, affirmative action schools, banks, housing, cars, jobs, and even who lives and who dies.  Blacks have been targeting whites for every sort of crime on the books, rapes, murders, and robberies on the rise, black on white crime is growing, and with the internet, we all see who the victim is and why, we hear the racial remarks from blacks as they beat the white student on the school bus, or mug the white pedestrian walking down the street.  We have watched the documentaries on race in America, we see and hear the animosity from blacks expressed against white, for slavery, for drugs, for low income housing, for being white period.

Call of Duty: Modern Warfare 2 made official

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We are at a point where white Americans must evaluate their relationship with the United States government and its proxies.  Rest assured civil unrest is coming, street violence will increase, and protest marches will grow, white America has awaken to the threat.  We must understand why we see very few Asians, Latinos, and black participation in the tea parties, tax protests and other pro-American movements, because what is good for us is bad for their people, what is bad for us is good for their people.  Simple as that, Asians feel that these crackers might send them back home, their real home, Latinos don’t want to see white people assert our rights in our country, that might interfere with their take over, and blacks want whatever they can get for the years they were used as slave labor.  An awakening in the white consciousness will certainly lead to conflict with the other groups who occupy our nation.  We cannot embrace separatism, for then we would be surrounded on all sides by enemy peoples, we cannot take this nation back through the vote because they are breeding us out of house and home, no my brothers this conflict will start out cold, but surely as the rising sun, it will become hot.  Maybe a protest between anti-white Latinos and tea party groups carrying fire arms will turn deadly as Latinos throw rocks, maybe the local police will fire on pro-gun protests, only time will tell, but it will occur probably not this year, but definitely within the next few years.  Arm yourselves, stock pile guns and ammo you will need them.

Congressman Suggests People Will Don ‘White Hoods’ If Wilson Not Rebuked

Congressman Suggests People Will Don ‘White Hoods’ If Wilson Not Rebuked

More news stories on Bizarre Racism Charges

FOX News, September 15, 2009

Rep. Joe Wilson’s outburst last week is drawing new recriminations from his colleagues, with a member of the Congressional Black Caucus suggesting that a failure to rebuke the South Carolina Republican is tantamount to supporting the most blatant form of organized racism in American history.

In an obvious reference to the Ku Klux Klan, Rep. Hank Johnson, D-Ga., said Tuesday that people will be putting on “white hoods and white uniforms again and riding through the countryside” if emerging racist attitudes, which he says were subtly supported by Wilson, are not rebuked. He said Wilson must be disciplined as an example.

The charged comments come as the House is preparing to take further action against Wilson. House Democratic leaders decided to formally discipline him Tuesday afternoon for jeering President Obama during last week’s joint session of Congress.

Wilson bellowed “You lie!” as Obama delivered his address.

{snip}

While he has been widely condemned by colleagues on both sides of the aisle for breaching protocol, some have gone a step further and accused Wilson of being racially motivated.

Johnson seemed to reference the protests held in Washington, D.C., on Saturday in making his claim. While many protesters were there to demonstrate against big government and federal over-spending, Johnson argued that a “fringe” element is motivated by race and that Wilson “winked” at that fringe with his behavior.

{snip}

The resolution is “privileged,” meaning whenever it is introduced the measure goes to the front of the legislative line. It is unclear who will call up the measure.

A “resolution of disapproval” is not one of the four forms of discipline typically meted out in the House. The most commonly used means of punishment are expulsion, censure, reprimand or fine.

For instance, in 1997, former House Speaker Newt Gingrich was both reprimanded and fined for his book deal. Rep. Barney Frank, D-Mass., was reprimanded in 1990 for ethical breaches tied to a male prostitute. Republicans tried to censure Rep. Pete Stark, D-Calif., in 2007 for comments he made on the House floor about President Bush. But Democrats voted to set aside that effort.

{snip}

Original article

(Posted on September 15, 2009)

Newsweek’s War On White People

Newsweek’s War On White People

Newsweek just launched an all out war on the mental well-being of white children in their September issue.

The article is titled “See Baby Discriminate. “The article demands, with religious fanaticism, that white children be made to shun all knowledge of racial differences and taught to feel guilty. Newsweek actually printed “It’s horrifying to imagine kids being proud to be white.”

The Newsweek article actually states that white children should be made to feel guilty to “knock down their glorified view of white people,” while black children should be built up with “ethnic pride.” White parents, and only white parents, are called on to go to great lengths to brainwash their own children starting at age 3.

However, amidst the extremist statements by Newsweek, some real bombshells about racial realities are admitted. Here are some highlights:

1. “Kids as young as 6 months judge based on skin color.” – Newsweek

2. White parents who welcome multiculturalism and embrace diversity, are terrified to talk to their own children about race for fear of what their own children might say.

3. 75% of non-white parents talk to their children about race, compared to only 25% of white parents.

4. White children 5 to 7 attending racially diverse schools universally had a better opinion of their own race than other races.

5. Whites are called on to begin intense multi-cultural indoctrination using videos and parental discussions at age 3, so as not to miss the right “developmental window.”

6. White children should be made to feel guilty for alleged wrongdoings by their race, to increase positive attitudes towards blacks.

7. Black children need to be coached on “ethnic pride” to pump them up and make them more likely to succeed in life.

8. 553 scientists signed a 2007 Supreme Court school amicus brief supporting school desegregation. However, the brief used many qualifiers and only said that desegregation “may” improve black performance. There was no real confidence in desegregation on the part of the scientists.

9. Diverse schools do not lead to more cross-race relationships. In fact the opposite is true. The more diverse a school, the more students self-segregate by race.

10. White children prefer a white Santa Claus and black children prefer a black Santa Claus.

What you will see strikingly absent in Newsweek’s whitey hating diatribe of making white children feel guilty and making black children feel proud, is the fact that black children actually have higher self-esteem already than white children. In fact the people with the lowest self-esteem tend to be Orientals.

American Sociological Association (Source)Past research indicates that black adolescents consistently have higher self-esteem than white students. Other research demonstrates that self-esteem has positive effects on academic achievement. However, black students have lower academic achievement than white students while concurrently exhibiting higher self-esteem.


http://www.northwestfront.org

Morality and Abstract Thinking- How Africans may differ from Westerners

Morality and Abstract Thinking

How Africans may differ from Westerners

by Gedaliah Braun

I am an American who taught philosophy in several African universities from 1976 to 1988, and have lived since that time in South Africa. When I first came to Africa, I knew virtually nothing about the continent or its people, but I began learning quickly. I noticed, for example, that Africans rarely kept promises and saw no need to apologize when they broke them. It was as if they were unaware they had done anything that called for an apology.

It took many years for me to understand why Africans behaved this way but I think I can now explain this and other behavior that characterizes Africa. I believe that morality requires abstract thinking—as does planning for the future—and that a relative deficiency in abstract thinking may explain many things that are typically African.

What follow are not scientific findings. There could be alternative explanations for what I have observed, but my conclusions are drawn from more than 30 years of living among Africans.

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A public service billboard in South Africa. Note old tire and gas can.

My first inklings about what may be a deficiency in abstract thinking came from what I began to learn about African languages. In a conversation with students in Nigeria I asked how you would say that a coconut is about halfway up the tree in their local language. “You can’t say that,” they explained. “All you can say is that it is ‘up’.” “How about right at the top?” “Nope; just ‘up’.” In other words, there appeared to be no way to express gradations.

A few years later, in Nairobi, I learned something else about African languages when two women expressed surprise at my English dictionary. “Isn’t English your language?” they asked. “Yes,” I said. “It’s my only language.” “Then why do you need a dictionary?”

They were puzzled that I needed a dictionary, and I was puzzled by their puzzlement. I explained that there are times when you hear a word you’re not sure about and so you look it up. “But if English is your language,” they asked, “how can there be words you don’t know?” “What?” I said. “No one knows all the words of his language.”

I have concluded that a relative deficiency in abstract thinking may explain many things that are typically African.

“But we know all the words of Kikuyu; every Kikuyu does,” they replied. I was even more surprised, but gradually it dawned on me that since their language is entirely oral, it exists only in the minds of Kikuyu speakers. Since there is a limit to what the human brain can retain, the overall size of the language remains more or less constant. A written language, on the other hand, existing as it does partly in the millions of pages of the written word, grows far beyond the capacity of anyone to know it in its entirety. But if the size of a language is limited, it follows that the number of concepts it contains will also be limited and hence that both language and thinking will be impoverished.

African languages were, of necessity, sufficient in their pre-colonial context. They are impoverished only by contrast to Western languages and in an Africa trying to emulate the West. While numerous dictionaries have been compiled between Euro­pean and African languages, there are few dictionaries within a single African language, precisely because native speakers have no need for them. I did find a Zulu-Zulu dictionary, but it was a small-format paperback of 252 pages.

My queries into Zulu began when I rang the African Language Department at the University of Witwatersrand in Johannesburg and spoke to a white guy. Did “precision” exist in the Zulu language prior to European contact? “Oh,” he said, “that’s a very Eurocentric question!” and simply wouldn’t answer. I rang again, spoke to another white guy, and got a virtually identical response.

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Kikuyu women do not need dictionaries.

So I called the University of South Africa, a large correspondence university in Pretoria, and spoke to a young black guy. As has so often been my experience in Africa, we hit it off from the start. He understood my interest in Zulu and found my questions of great interest. He explained that the Zulu word for “precision” means “to make like a straight line.” Was this part of indigenous Zulu? No; this was added by the compilers of the dictionary.

But, he assured me, it was otherwise for “promise.” I was skeptical. How about “obligation?” We both had the same dictionary (English-Zulu, Zulu-English Dictionary, published by Witwatersrand University Press in 1958), and looked it up. The Zulu entry means “as if to bind one’s feet.” He said that was not indigenous but was added by the compilers. But if Zulu didn’t have the concept of obligation, how could it have the concept of a promise, since a promise is simply the oral undertaking of an obligation? I was interested in this, I said, because Africans often failed to keep promises and never apologized—as if this didn’t warrant an apology.

A light bulb seemed to go on in his mind. Yes, he said; in fact, the Zulu word for promise—isithembiso—is not the correct word. When a black person “promises” he means “maybe I will and maybe I won’t.” But, I said, this makes nonsense of promising, the very purpose of which is to bind one to a course of action. When one is not sure he can do something he may say, “I will try but I can’t promise.” He said he’d heard whites say that and had never understood it till now. As a young Romanian friend so aptly summed it up, when a black person “promises” he means “I’ll try.”

The failure to keep promises is therefore not a language problem. It is hard to believe that after living with whites for so long they would not learn the correct meaning, and it is too much of a coincidence that the same phenomenon is found in Nigeria, Kenya and Papua New Guinea, where I have also lived. It is much more likely that Africans generally lack the very concept and hence cannot give the word its correct meaning. This would seem to indicate some difference in intellectual capacity.

Note the Zulu entry for obligation: “as if to bind one’s feet.” An obligation binds you, but it does so morally, not physically. It is an abstract concept, which is why there is no word for it in Zulu. So what did the authors of the dictionary do? They took this abstract concept and made it concrete. Feet, rope, and tying are all tangible and observable, and therefore things all blacks will understand, whereas many will not understand what an obligation is. The fact that they had to define it in this way is, by itself, compelling evidence for my conclusion that Zulu thought has few abstract concepts and indirect evidence for the view that Africans may be deficient in abstract thinking.

Abstract thinking

Abstract entities do not exist in space or time; they are typically intangible and can’t be perceived by the senses. They are often things that do not exist. “What would happen if everyone threw rubbish everywhere?” refers to something we hope will not happen, but we can still think about it.

African wood carving.

Everything we observe with our senses occurs in time and everything we see exists in space; yet we can perceive neither time nor space with our senses, but only with the mind. Precision is also abstract; while we can see and touch things made with precision, precision itself can only be perceived by the mind.

How do we acquire abstract concepts? Is it enough to make things with precision in order to have the concept of precision? Africans make excellent carvings, made with precision, so why isn’t the concept in their language? To have this concept we must not only do things with precision but must be aware of this phenomenon and then give it a name.

How, for example, do we acquire such concepts as belief and doubt? We all have beliefs; even animals do. When a dog wags its tail on hearing his master’s footsteps, it believes he is coming. But it has no concept of belief because it has no awareness that it has this belief and so no awareness of belief per se. In short, it has no self-consciousness, and thus is not aware of its own mental states.

It has long seemed to me that blacks tend to lack self-awareness. If such awareness is necessary for developing abstract concepts it is not surprising that African languages have so few abstract terms. A lack of self-awareness—or introspection—has advantages. In my experience neurotic behavior, characterized by excessive and unhealthy self-consciousness, is uncommon among blacks. I am also confident that sexual dysfunction, which is characterized by excessive self-consciousness, is less common among blacks than whites.

Time is another abstract concept with which Africans seem to have difficulties. I began to wonder about this in 1998. Several Africans drove up in a car and parked right in front of mine, blocking it. “Hey,” I said, “you can’t park here.” “Oh, are you about to leave?” they asked in a perfectly polite and friendly way. “No,” I said, “but I might later. Park over there”—and they did.

While the possibility that I might want to leave later was obvious to me, their thinking seemed to encompass only the here and now: “If you’re leaving right now we understand, but otherwise, what’s the problem?” I had other such encounters and the key question always seemed to be, “Are you leaving now?” The future, after all, does not exist. It will exist, but doesn’t exist now. People who have difficulty thinking of things that do not exist will ipso facto have difficulty thinking about the future.

It appears that the Zulu word for “future”—isikhati—is the same as the word for time, as well as for space. Realistically, this means that these concepts probably do not exist in Zulu thought. It also appears that there is no word for the past—meaning, the time preceding the present. The past did exist, but no longer exists. Hence, people who may have problems thinking of things that do not exist will have trouble thinking of the past as well as the future.

This has an obvious bearing on such sentiments as gratitude and loyalty, which I have long noticed are uncommon among Africans. We feel gratitude for things that happened in the past, but for those with little sense of the past such feelings are less likely to arise.

Why did it take me more than 20 years to notice all of this? I think it is because our assumptions about time are so deeply rooted that we are not even aware of making them and hence the possibility that others may not share them simply does not occur to us. And so we don’t see it, even when the evidence is staring us in the face.

Mathematics and maintenance

I quote from an article in the South African press about the problems blacks have with mathematics:

“[Xhosa] is a language where polygon and plane have the same definition … where concepts like triangle, quadrilateral, pentagon, hexagon are defined by only one word.” (“Finding New Languages for Maths and Science,” Star [Johannesburg], July 24, 2002, p. 8.)

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Apartheid-era sign post.

More accurately, these concepts simply do not exist in Xhosa, which, along with Zulu, is one of the two most widely spoken languages in South Africa. In America, blacks are said to have a “tendency to approximate space, numbers and time instead of aiming for complete accuracy.” (Star, June 8, 1988, p.10.) In other words, they are also poor at math. Notice the identical triumvirate—space, numbers, and time. Is it just a coincidence that these three highly abstract concepts are the ones with which blacks — everywhere — seem to have such difficulties?

The entry in the Zulu dictionary for “number,” by the way — ningi — means “numerous,” which is not at all the same as the concept of number. It is clear, therefore, that there is no concept of number in Zulu.

White rule in South Africa ended in 1994. It was about ten years later that power outages began, which eventually reached crisis proportions. The principle reason for this is simply lack of maintenance on the generating equipment. Maintenance is future-oriented, and the Zulu entry in the dictionary for it is ondla, which means: “1. Nourish, rear; bring up; 2. Keep an eye on; watch (your crop).” In short, there is no such thing as maintenance in Zulu thought, and it would be hard to argue that this is wholly unrelated to the fact that when people throughout Africa say “nothing works,” it is only an exaggeration.

The New York Times reports that New York City is considering a plan (since implemented) aimed at getting blacks to “do well on standardized tests and to show up for class,” by paying them to do these things and that could “earn [them] as much as $500 a year.” Students would get money for regular school attendance, every book they read, doing well on tests, and sometimes just for taking them. Parents would be paid for “keeping a full-time job … having health insurance … and attending parent-teacher conferences.” (Jennifer Medina, “Schools Plan to Pay Cash for Marks,” New York Times, June 19, 2007.)

The clear implication is that blacks are not very motivated. Motivation involves thinking about the future and hence about things that do not exist. Given black deficiencies in this regard, it is not surprising that they would be lacking in motivation, and having to prod them in this way is further evidence for such a deficiency.

The Zulu entry for “motivate” is banga, under which we find “1. Make, cause, produce something unpleasant; … to cause trouble . … 2. Contend over a claim; … fight over inheritance; … 3. Make for, aim at, journey towards … .” Yet when I ask Africans what banga means, they have no idea. In fact, no Zulu word could refer to motivation for the simple reason that there is no such concept in Zulu; and if there is no such concept there cannot be a word for it. This helps explain the need to pay blacks to behave as if they were motivated.

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Zulus.

The same New York Times article quotes Darwin Davis of the Urban League as “caution[ing] that the … money being offered [for attending class] was relatively paltry … and wondering … how many tests students would need to pass to buy the latest video game.”

Instead of being shamed by the very need for such a plan, this black activist complains that the payments aren’t enough! If he really is unaware how his remarks will strike most readers, he is morally obtuse, but his views may reflect a common understanding among blacks of what morality is: not something internalized but something others enforce from the outside. Hence his complaint that paying children to do things they should be motivated to do on their own is that they are not being paid enough.

In this context, I recall some remarkable discoveries by the late American linguist, William Stewart, who spent many years in Senegal studying local languages. Whereas Western cultures internalize norms—“Don’t do that!” for a child, eventually becomes “I mustn’t do that” for an adult—African cultures do not. They rely entirely on external controls on behavior from tribal elders and other sources of authority. When Africans were detribalized, these external constraints disappeared, and since there never were internal constraints, the results were crime, drugs, promiscuity, etc. Where there have been other forms of control—as in white-ruled South Africa, colonial Africa, or the segregated American South—this behavior was kept within tolerable limits. But when even these controls disappear there is often unbridled violence.

Stewart apparently never asked why African cultures did not internalize norms, that is, why they never developed moral consciousness, but it is unlikely that this was just a historical accident. More likely, it was the result of deficiencies in abstract thinking ability.

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Public service message, South Africa.

One explanation for this lack of abstract thinking, including the diminished understanding of time, is that Africans evolved in a climate where they could live day to day without having to think ahead. They never developed this ability because they had no need for it. Whites, on the other hand, evolved under circumstances in which they had to consider what would happen if they didn’t build stout houses and store enough fuel and food for the winter. For them it was sink or swim.

Surprising confirmation of Stewart’s ideas can be found in the May/June 2006 issue of the Boston Review, a typically liberal publication. In “Do the Right Thing: Cognitive Science’s Search for a Common Morality,” Rebecca Saxe distinguishes between “conventional” and “moral” rules. Conventional rules are supported by authorities but can be changed; moral rules, on the other hand, are not based on conventional authority and are not subject to change. “Even three-year-old children … distinguish between moral and conventional transgressions,” she writes. The only exception, according to James Blair of the National Institutes of Health, are psychopaths, who exhibit “persistent aggressive behavior.” For them, all rules are based only on external authority, in whose absence “anything is permissible.” The conclusion drawn from this is that “healthy individuals in all cultures respect the distinction between conventional … and moral [rules].”

However, in the same article, another anthropologist argues that “the special status of moral rules cannot be part of human nature, but is … just … an artifact of Western values.” Anita Jacobson-Widding, writing of her experiences among the Manyika of Zimbabwe, says:

“I tried to find a word that would correspond to the English concept of ‘morality.’ I explained what I meant by asking my informants to describe the norms for good behavior toward other people. The answer was unanimous. The word for this was tsika. But when I asked my bilingual informants to translate tsika into English, they said that it was ‘good manners’ …”

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An all-too-common problem.

She concluded that because good manners are clearly conventional rather than moral rules, the Manyika simply did not have a concept of morality. But how would one explain this absence? Miss Jacobson-Widding’s explanation is the typical nonsense that could come only from a so-called intellectual: “the concept of morality does not exist.” The far more likely explanation is that the concept of morality, while otherwise universal, is enfeebled in cultures that have a deficiency in abstract thinking.

According to now-discredited folk wisdom, blacks are “children in adult bodies,” but there may be some foundation to this view. The average African adult has the raw IQ score of the average 11-year-old white child. This is about the age at which white children begin to internalize morality and no longer need such strong external enforcers.

Gruesome cruelty

Another aspect of African behavior that liberals do their best to ignore but that nevertheless requires an explanation is gratuitous cruelty. A reviewer of Driving South, a 1993 book by David Robbins, writes:

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Victim of Rwandan violence.

“A Cape social worker sees elements that revel in violence … It’s like a cult which has embraced a lot of people who otherwise appear normal. … At the slightest provocation their blood-lust is aroused. And then they want to see death, and they jeer and mock at the suffering involved, especially the suffering of a slow and agonizing death.” (Citizen [Johannesburg], July 12, 1993, p.6.)

There is something so unspeakably vile about this, something so beyond depravity, that the human brain recoils. This is not merely the absence of human empathy, but the positive enjoyment of human suffering, all the more so when it is “slow and agonizing.” Can you imagine jeering at and mocking someone in such horrible agony?

During the apartheid era, black activists used to kill traitors and enemies by “necklacing” them. An old tire was put around the victim’s neck, filled with gasoline, and—but it is best to let an eye-witness describe what happened next:

“The petrol-filled tyre is jammed on your shoulders and a lighter is placed within reach . … Your fingers are broken, needles are pushed up your nose and you are tortured until you put the lighter to the petrol yourself.” (Citizen; “SA’s New Nazis,” August 10, 1993, p.18.)

The author of an article in the Chicago Tribune, describing the equally gruesome way the Hutu killed Tutsi in the Burundi massacres, marveled at “the ecstasy of killing, the lust for blood; this is the most horrible thought. It’s beyond my reach.” (“Hutu Killers Danced In Blood Of Victims, Videotapes Show,” Chicago Tribune, September 14, 1995, p.8.) The lack of any moral sense is further evidenced by their having videotaped their crimes, “apparently want[ing] to record … [them] for posterity.” Unlike Nazi war criminals, who hid their deeds, these people apparently took pride in their work.

Amy Biehl marker
Where Amy Biehl was killed.

In 1993, Amy Biehl, a 26-year-old American on a Fulbright scholarship, was living in South Africa, where she spent most of her time in black townships helping blacks. One day when she was driving three African friends home, young blacks stopped the car, dragged her out, and killed her because she was white. A retired senior South African judge, Rex van Schalkwyk, in his 1998 book One Miracle is Not Enough, quotes from a newspaper report on the trial of her killers: “Supporters of the three men accused of murdering [her] … burst out laughing in the public gallery of the Supreme Court today when a witness told how the battered woman groaned in pain.” This behavior, Van Schalkwyk wrote, “is impossible to explain in terms accessible to rational minds.” (pp. 188-89.)

These incidents and the responses they evoke—“the human brain recoils,” “beyond my reach,” “impossible to explain to rational minds” — represent a pattern of behavior and thinking that cannot be wished away, and offer additional support for my claim that Africans are deficient in moral consciousness.

I have long suspected that the idea of rape is not the same in Africa as elsewhere, and now I find confirmation of this in Newsweek:

“According to a three-year study [in Johannesburg] … more than half of the young people interviewed — both male and female — believe that forcing sex with someone you know does not constitute sexual violence … [T]he casual manner in which South African teens discuss coercive relationships and unprotected sex is staggering.” (Tom Masland, “Breaking The Silence,” Newsweek, July 9, 2000.)

Clearly, many blacks do not think rape is anything to be ashamed of.

The Newsweek author is puzzled by widespread behavior that is known to lead to AIDS, asking “Why has the safe-sex effort failed so abjectly?” Well, aside from their profoundly different attitudes towards sex and violence and their heightened libido, a major factor could be their diminished concept of time and reduced ability to think ahead.

Liberian billboard
Liberian billboard

Nevertheless, I was still surprised by what I found in the Zulu dictionary. The main entry for rape reads: “1. Act hurriedly; … 2. Be greedy. 3. Rob, plunder, … take [possessions] by force.” While these entries may be related to our concept of rape, there is one small problem: there is no reference to sexual intercourse! In a male-dominated culture, where saying “no” is often not an option (as confirmed by the study just mentioned), “taking sex by force” is not really part of the African mental calculus. Rape clearly has a moral dimension, but perhaps not to Africans. To the extent they do not consider coerced sex to be wrong, then, by our conception, they cannot consider it rape because rape is wrong. If such behavior isn’t wrong it isn’t rape.

An article about gang rape in the left-wing British paper, the Guardian, confirms this when it quotes a young black woman: “The thing is, they [black men] don’t see it as rape, as us being forced. They just see it as pleasure for them.” (Rose George, “They Don’t See it as Rape. They Just See it as Pleasure for Them,” June 5, 2004.) A similar attitude seems to be shared among some American blacks who casually refer to gang rape as “running a train.” (Nathan McCall, Makes Me Wanna Holler, Vintage Books, 1995.)

If the African understanding of rape is far afield, so may be their idea of romance or love. I recently watched a South African television program about having sex for money. Of the several women in the audience who spoke up, not a single one questioned the morality of this behavior. Indeed, one plaintively asked, “Why else would I have sex with a man?”

From the casual way in which Africans throw around the word “love,” I suspect their understanding of it is, at best, childish. I suspect the notion is alien to Africans, and I would be surprised if things are very different among American blacks. Africans hear whites speak of “love” and try to give it a meaning from within their own conceptual repertoire. The result is a child’s conception of this deepest of human emotions, probably similar to their misunderstanding of the nature of a promise.

I recently located a document that was dictated to me by a young African woman in June 1993. She called it her “story,” and the final paragraph is a poignant illustration of what to Europeans would seem to be a limited understanding of love:

“On my way from school, I met a boy. And he proposed me. His name was Mokone. He tell me that he love me. And then I tell him I will give him his answer next week. At night I was crazy about him. I was always thinking about him.”

Moral blindness

Whenever I taught ethics I used the example of Alfred Dreyfus, a Jewish officer in the French Army who was convicted of treason in 1894 even though the authorities knew he was innocent. Admitting their mistake, it was said, would have a disastrous effect on military morale and would cause great social unrest. I would in turn argue that certain things are intrinsically wrong and not just because of their consequences. Even if the results of freeing Dreyfus would be much worse than keeping him in prison, he must be freed, because it is unjust to keep an innocent man in prison.

To my amazement, an entire class in Kenya said without hesitation that he should not be freed. Call me dense if you want, but it was 20 years before the full significance of this began to dawn on me.

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Death is certain but accidents are not.

Africans, I believe, may generally lack the concepts of subjunctivity and counterfactuality. Subjunctivity is conveyed in such statements as, “What would you have done if I hadn’t showed up?” This is contrary to fact because I did show up, and it is now impossible for me not to have shown up. We are asking someone to imagine what he would have done if something that didn’t happen (and now couldn’t happen) had happened. This requires self-consciousness, and I have already described blacks’ possible deficiency in this respect. It is obvious that animals, for example, cannot think counterfactually, because of their complete lack of self-awareness.

When someone I know tried to persuade his African workers to contribute to a health insurance policy, they asked “What’s it for?” “Well, if you have an accident, it would pay for the hospital.” Their response was immediate: “But boss, we didn’t have an accident!” “Yes, but what if you did?” Reply? “We didn’t have an accident!” End of story.

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South African AIDS education poster.

Interestingly, blacks do plan for funerals, for although an accident is only a risk, death is a certainty. (The Zulu entries for “risk” are “danger” and “a slippery surface.”) Given the frequent all-or-nothing nature of black thinking, if it’s not certain you will have an accident, then you will not have an accident. Furthermore, death is concrete and observable: We see people grow old and die. Africans tend to be aware of time when it is manifested in the concrete and observable.

One of the pivotal ideas underpinning morality is the Golden Rule: do unto others as you would have them do unto you. “How would you feel if someone stole everything you owned? Well, that’s how he would feel if you robbed him.” The subjunctivity here is obvious. But if Africans may generally lack this concept, they will have difficulty in understanding the Golden Rule and, to that extent, in understanding morality.

If this is true we might also expect their capacity for human empathy to be diminished, and this is suggested in the examples cited above. After all, how do we empathize? When we hear about things like “necklacing” we instinctively — and unconsciously — think: “How would I feel if I were that person?” Of course I am not and cannot be that person, but to imagine being that person gives us valuable moral “information:” that we wouldn’t want this to happen to us and so we shouldn’t want it to happen to others. To the extent people are deficient in such abstract thinking, they will be deficient in moral understanding and hence in human empathy—which is what we tend to find in Africans.

In his 1990 book Devil’s Night, Ze’ev Chafets quotes a black woman speaking about the problems of Detroit: “I know some people won’t like this, but whenever you get a whole lot of black people, you’re gonna have problems. Blacks are ignorant and rude.” (pp. 76-77.)

If some Africans cannot clearly imagine what their own rude behavior feels like to others—in other words, if they cannot put themselves in the other person’s shoes—they will be incapable of understanding what rudeness is. For them, what we call rude may be normal and therefore, from their perspective, not really rude. Africans may therefore not be offended by behavior we would consider rude — not keeping appointments, for example. One might even conjecture that African cruelty is not the same as white cruelty, since Africans may not be fully aware of the nature of their behavior, whereas such awareness is an essential part of “real” cruelty.

I am hardly the only one to notice this obliviousness to others that sometimes characterizes black behavior. Walt Harrington, a white liberal married to a light-skinned black, makes some surprising admissions in his 1994 book, Crossings: A White Man’s Journey Into Black America:

“I notice a small car … in the distance. Suddenly … a bag of garbage flies out its window . … I think, I’ll bet they’re blacks. Over the years I’ve noticed more blacks littering than whites. I hate to admit this because it is a prejudice. But as I pass the car, I see that my reflex was correct—[they are blacks].

“[As I pull] into a McDonald’s drive-through … [I see that] the car in front of me had four black[s] in it. Again … my mind made its unconscious calculation: We’ll be sitting here forever while these people decide what to order. I literally shook my head . … My God, my kids are half black! But then the kicker: we waited and waited and waited. Each of the four … leaned out the window and ordered individually. The order was changed several times. We sat and sat, and I again shook my head, this time at the conundrum that is race in America.

“I knew that the buried sentiment that had made me predict this disorganization … was … racist. … But my prediction was right.” (pp. 234-35.)

Africans also tend to litter. To understand this we must ask why whites don’t litter, at least not as much. We ask ourselves: “What would happen if everyone threw rubbish everywhere? It would be a mess. So you shouldn’t do it!” Blacks’ possible deficiency in abstract thinking makes such reasoning more difficult, so any behavior requiring such thinking is less likely to develop in their cultures. Even after living for generations in societies where such thinking is commonplace, many may still fail to absorb it.

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A trash pile in Sudan.

It should go without saying that my observations about Africans are generalizations. I am not saying that none has the capacity for abstract thought or moral understanding. I am speaking of tendencies and averages, which leave room for many exceptions.

To what extent do my observations about Africans apply to American blacks? American blacks have an average IQ of 85, which is a full 15 points higher than the African average of 70. The capacity for abstract thought is unquestionably correlated with intelligence, and so we can expect American blacks generally to exceed Africans in these respects.

Still, American blacks show many of the traits so striking among Africans: low mathematical ability, diminished abstract reasoning, high crime rates, a short time-horizon, rudeness, littering, etc. If I had lived only among American blacks and not among Africans, I might never have reached the conclusions I have, but the more extreme behavior among Africans makes it easier to perceive the same tendencies among American blacks. AR

Gedhalia Braun holds a PhD in philosophy and is the author of Racism, Guilt, Self-Hatred and Self-Deceit. Anyone interested in reading his book can purchase it in PDF format at the AR website, AmRen.com.

The British State vs. The BNP—The Post-Modern Tyranny of “Human Rights” – “Nic Careem, [Email him]a former Labour activist from Camden in north London, who is now with the Conservatives, said he originally argued that black and Asian people should join the BNP en mass [sic] to cause chaos and expose the extent of racism inside the party of Nick Griffin.” In other words, the BNP is to be flooded with non-whites, who will then use further legal action—assuming the internal structures of the party are insufficient—to destroy it.

The British State vs. The BNP—The Post-Modern Tyranny of “Human Rights”

[Peter Brimelow writes: The U.S. may shortly have “Hate Crime” legislation, which will of course immediately metastasize into an attack on “hate speech”. Wanna bet that what is happening in the U.K., described below by a distinguished British libertarian, can’t happen here?)

By Sean Gabb

Also by Sean Gabb: England: The Peasants are Revolting

On Monday, August 24th 2009, the British Equality and Human Rights Commission (EHRC) began legal proceedings against the British National Party (BNP). Its cause of action is that the BNP restricts membership to white people—“indigenous British ethnic groups deriving from the class of ‘Indigenous Caucasian’” plus those we regard as closely related and ethnically assimilated or assimilable aboriginal members of the European race also resident in Britain.”.[Constitution Of The British National Party Eighth Edition, published November 2004(PDF)] (Which is interpreted to include Jews—thus one BNP elected official, Pat Richardson, a local councilor, is Jewish).  

The BNP rule is said to be illegal under the Race Relations Act 1976 as amended in 2000. If successful, the court action will force the BNP to open its membership to all applicants regardless of their colour.

This is a politically-motivated prosecution. The BNP has long upset the people who now rule Britain. Its denunciations of mass-immigration and of multiculturalism disrupt what would otherwise be an almost smooth wall of praise—or at least of caution—by the other parties.

Despite universal condemnation in the media, the BNP has made considerable gains during the past few years in local elections, and managed to win two seats in June this year to the European Parliament. It may win a seat in the British Parliament at the next general election. Stopping the BNP is high on the agenda of the powers that be.

This being said, shutting down a political party simply because it dissents from the established multicultural faith is not something that is yet done in Britain. It is too openly an attack on freedom of speech. It may also be illegal under the Human Rights Act 1998, which enacts the European Convention on Human Rights into British law.

Nevertheless, the party stands to be ruined partly by the costs of legal action, and partly by the effects of losing the legal action.

These effects have been clearly spelled out by some of the BNP’s enemies. According to the Blog of Operation Black Vote,

“Nic Careem, [Email him]a former Labour activist from Camden in north London, who is now with the Conservatives, said he originally argued that black and Asian people should join the BNP en mass [sic] to cause chaos and expose the extent of racism inside the party of Nick Griffin.”

In other words, the BNP is to be flooded with non-whites, who will then use further legal action—assuming the internal structures of the party are insufficient—to destroy it.

This attack on the BNP is abhorrent for a number of reasons.

  • First, it is indirectly an attack on freedom of speech.

We in Britain are endlessly told nowadays that freedom of speech does not involve the right to preach hatred and “intolerance”. But it does. Freedom of speech means the right to say anything at all on any public issue, and to make any recommendation on what the law should be.

I was born into a Britain where this understanding was broadly accepted. I live now in a country where it is not. Thus Simon Woolley [Email him] of Operation Black Vote dismisses freedom of speech as an almost sacred cow. He even appeals for support to the majesty of the British Constitution:

“Over centuries our unwritten constitution has given us a framework for our democracy. From Magna Carta to the Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000, our democracy has evolved to reflect our changing times. This framework gives us a democracy which, for all its limitations, seeks to balance individual freedoms with fairness and tolerance.”

In the technical sense, Woolley may be right. Being unwritten, the British Constitution is whatever the authorities decide it to be.

But his claim is irrelevant. A constitution does not legitimise oppression. Rather, it is legitimate so far as it protects rights. If the British Constitution no longer guarantees freedom of speech, so much the worse for the Constitution.

  • Second, as said, the authorities are frightened to make a direct attack on freedom of speech. Instead, they are relying on laws that abolish freedom of association.

But this is barely less important within the liberal tradition than freedom of speech. The two rights complement each other. Freedom of speech is the right to say anything. Freedom of association involves the right to propagate what is said. It means the right of people to come together for any purpose that does not involve aggression against others.

Obviously, it also means the right not to associate. Laws imposing equal access to employment, or paid services, or membership of private associations, are not an extension of rights, but a denial of rights. By forcing people to associate with persons whom they would otherwise reject, anti-discrimination laws are a form of coerced association. They also allow dissident organisations to be taken over and destroyed.

  • Third, if the form of the attack is hypocritical, so is the substance. The BNP is not the only organisation that seeks to confine its membership to members of a particular race. But it is the only organisation the EHRC is taking to court.

The Lincolnshire Black Police Association, for example, declares on its website —rather, it declares on its section of the official web site of the  Lincolnshire Police Force—that

“Membership applications for the LBPA are invited from everybody. Full Membership is available to all Black Minority Ethnic staff of the Lincolnshire Police. Associate Membership is open to ALL members of the Lincolnshire Police and outside agencies who wish to support the work of the LBPA.”

I am told that these confessions of racial discrimination are being hurriedly taken down from the Internet. However, the BNP has published a selection of screen shots from the Lincolnshire and other branches of the Black Police Association. The EHRC has so far refused even to acknowledge complaints of this racial discrimination.

And even if the Black Police Association should take down the offending words and open its full membership to all, there is no chance of its being flooded by hostile whites. There are no white equivalents of Operation Black Vote or other ethnic advocacy groups.

Any whites groups that did form would soon be prosecuted or harassed out of existence. Any individual whites who joined would themselves be evangelists of the multicultural faith. If not, they would be chased out with violence or threats of violence that the modern Politically Correct British police—memorably described by  purged National Review editor John O’Sullivan as “the paramilitary wing of the Guardian, the leading left-wing newspaper—would now do nothing to investigate.

  • Fourth, it is at least interesting to see how the language of rights has been perverted into a cover for oppression. The Equality and Human Rights Commission promotes equality by discriminating against whites, and protects human rights by attacking freedom of association as a means of neutering freedom of speech.

It is also interesting that the EHRC Commissioner overseeing the BNP prosecution is John Wadham. He was once Director of Liberty, which is supposed to be the main independent guardian in this country of civil and political rights.

At a public meeting in 2001, I accused Mr Wadham of not caring about the liberties of anyone perceived to be on the political “right”. This sent him into a rhetorical frenzy. A few weeks later, I felt almost guilty at how roughly I had treated him when I read this in a letter of his to The Daily Telegraph:

[H]uman rights are primarily about limiting the power of the central state in its dealing with the individual citizen.”

According to the accounts of the body that the EHRC replaced, Mr Wadham’s salary in the year to the 31st March 2008 was £78,548. [VDARE.COM: roughly $127,735 US] I will limit my comments on this fact to observing that his salary—and it has probably risen by a third in the past 18 months—is at least three times his probable worth in any market-based employment.

By way of a conclusion, I feel I ought to give my opinion on the BNP. This is that I fear its success.

The next Conservative Government will fail to reverse the disasters that Labour has brought on the country. This is because the Conservatives do not even intend to try for a counter-revolution. When the failure has become manifest, people will turn to the only alternative party that has forthrightly denounced the Labour revolution and has an existing electoral base. This will be the BNP.

I fear that the BNP will, by default, become the only viable champion of counter-revolution.

Now, I am not frightened that the BNP is a party of national socialists, and that its leaders are counting the days till they can rip off their business suits, to show the black and red uniforms beneath. Under its present leader, Nick Griffin, the BNP has become a white nationalist party. The party believes in the expulsion of illegal immigrants, an in some voluntary repatriation of non-whites who are legally here, and in dismantling the Equal Opportunities police state from which people like Mr Wadham benefit. Other than this, a BNP Government might easily show more respect for the forms of a liberal constitution than have the Labour governments of Tony Blair and Gordon Brown—after all, this would not be difficult.

The problem is that the BNP and much of its leading personnel used to be national socialists. There are too many published statements in praise of Hitler or denouncing the Jews.

Of course, people change their opinions over time. Middle-aged men are not necessarily to be judged on what they said or wrote in their late teens.

That excuse has been made and accepted for the Ministers in the Labour Government. Many of these in their younger days were Trotskyite street bullies. Peter Mandelson, who is effectively deputy Prime Minister, joined the Young Communist League three years after the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia, and used to sell the Communist Morning Star. John Reid, who was a Home Secretary in the Blair Government, was a member of the Communist Party in his late twenties, and was noted for his admiration of Josef Stalin. It would be easy to fill an article with the disreputable pasts of those who have ruled this country since 1997.

If there were any fairness in politics, they would be regarded as no less disreputable than the leaders of the BNP.

But there is no fairness in politics. A man can deny the Soviet holocaust—or even admit that it happened but try to justify it—and remain in good standing with the media and educational Establishments. The slightest whisper of approval for the lesser horrors of National Socialism, and a man is tainted for life.

This is unfair, but it is a fact that must be accepted. I can easily imagine how the BNP might replace the useless Conservatives as main opponents to what has been done to this country. I can also imagine how the movement then led by the BNP might be smeared and discredited out of existence.

Even so, if I can have no longing for a BNP breakthrough at the next but one general election, neither can I regard the legal proceedings against it as other than a classic illustration of how to run a post-modern tyranny.

The British State has no Gestapo, no KGB. But why would it need one when it has the Equality and Human Rights Commission?

Dr. Sean Gabb [Email him] is a writer, academic, broadcaster and Director of the Libertarian Alliance in England. His monograph Cultural Revolution, Culture War: How Conservatives Lost England, and How to Get It Back is downloadable here. For his account of the Property and Freedom Society’s 2008 conference in Bodrum, Turkey, click here. For his address to the 2009 PFS conference, “What is the Ruling Class?”, click here; for videos of the other presentations, click here.